Coyne, Christopher J. and Rachel L. Mathers (Editors). The Handbook on the Political Economy of War. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2011.

📖 Coyne, Christopher J. and Rachel L. Mathers (Editors). The Handbook on the Political Economy of War. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2011.

Anderton, Charles H.; Carter, John R. Principles of Conflict Economics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009.

📖 Anderton, Charles H.; Carter, John R. Principles of Conflict Economics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009.

Berdal, Mats; Sherman, Jake (Editors). The Political Economy of Civil War and UN Peace Operations. New York: Routledge, 2023.

📖 Berdal, Mats; Sherman, Jake (Editors). The Political Economy of Civil War and UN Peace Operations. New York: Routledge, 2023.

Coyne, Christopher J. After War: The Political Economy of Exporting Democracy. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2007.

📖 Coyne, Christopher J. After War: The Political Economy of Exporting Democracy. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2007.

Eisenhower's "Military-Industrial Complex" Speech Origins and Significance US National Archives 3:16 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Gg-jvHynP9Y

Dwight D. Eisenhower - Farewell Speech - Address to the Nation - Military Industrial Complex Warning (January 17, 1961) War and Military Documentaries 16:15 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mHDgsh6WPyc President Dwight D. Eisenhower's Farewell Address, famed for its reference to the "military-industrial complex," is one of the most famous speeches in American history. Its meaning has been analyzed and debated by historians ever since. President Eisenhower delivered the speech on January 17, 1961. https://www.eisenhowerlibrary.gov/research/online-documents/farewell-address

... A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction... This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence—economic, political, even spiritual—is felt in every city, every statehouse, every office of the federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society. In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military–industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists, and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals so that security and liberty may prosper together

Military-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, January 17, 1961 My fellow Americans: Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor. This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen. Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all. Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation. My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years. In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together. II. We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment. III. Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at home and abroad. Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology -- global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. Unhappily the danger is poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle -- with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment. Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defense; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research -- these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.