پوسترهای گشت ارشاد / ستاد امر به معروف در ژاپن.

موضوع پوسترهای گشت ارشاد و ستاد امر به معروف تو ژاپن را صرفا جهت مزید اطلاع تنی چند از قربانیان کلاس گذاشتم . تازه این که چیزی نیست الان دیگه هم تو توکیو هم تمام شهرهای شلوغ ژاپن رسیدند به این که قطارهای شهری باید واگن های ویژه خواهران هم داشته باشند! تو ژاپن به این واگن ها میگن (女性専用車両). بگذریم از این که تو عکس دقت کنید لباس مترو رفتن هم برای خانم ها هر لباسی نیست، این در حالی هست که تو شهرهای ژاپن از بس همه، همه جا دوربین مدار بسته کار گذاشتندکه خودشون میگن اگر ده دقیقه تو توکیو قدم بزنید و بعد کل فیلمهایی که تمام دوربین های مسیری که قدم زدید از تمام زوایا ازتون گرفتند را بخواهید بشینید تماشا کنید حداقل 4 ساعت طول میکشه!

دوازدهم فروردین 🇮🇷🇮🇷🇮🇷 روز جمهوری اسلامی و یکی از مبارکترین رویدادهای تاریخ معاصر ایران هست 🇮🇷🇮🇷🇮🇷 اما تا امروز هیچ وقت هیچ کس نتونسته توضیح بده که دو ماه بعد از پیروزی انقلاب این ایده که همه پرسی برای تعیین نوع حکومت در ایران حتما طوری برگزار بشه که تمام مخالفان ایدۀ جمهوری اسلامی از سلطنت طلب تا مارکسیست بتوانند همه با هم علیه تشکیل جمهوری اسلامی متحد شوند را دقیقا چه کسانی و با چه سازو کاری توانستند به برگزار کنندگان همه پرسی بندازند! در واقع 12 فروردین 1358 روزی بود که ایدۀ تشکیل "جمهوری اسلامی نه یک کلمه بیشتر و نه یک کلمه کمتر" توانست در یک همه پرسی که عملا علیه جمهوری اسلامی برگزار شده بود اکثریت مطلق آرا را در ایران کسب کنه.

نخیر! مراحل رسیدن به قانون اساسی هیچ جای دنیا مثل ایران نبوده - چرا راه دور بریم؟ تو همین آمریکا 42 نفر از ایالات های مختلف که اون موقع بهشون میگفتند (delegates) الآن بهشون میگن (Founding Fathers) بدون رای مردم رفتند نشستند یه چیزی نوشتند که خوداون 42 نفر قبولش نداشتند یعنی (Edmund Randolph ) و (George Mason) و (Elbridge Gerry) گفتند ما بمیریم هم این خزعبلات را امضا نمیکنیم (و مردند و امضا هم نکردند! ) بالاخره در 17 سپتامبر 1979 وقتی 39 تا امضا جمع شد گفتند خب این قانون اساسی ما هست فرستادنش ایالت ها گفتند همینه که هست 6 ماه وقت دارید بر اساس ساز و کارهای داخلی تصویبش کنید 9 تا ایالت هم که تصویب کردند گفتند خب دیگه اصل کاری ها همین بودند بقیه ها همینه که هست ! در واقع تا امروز هم کسی تو آمریکا نه به نوع حکومت آمریکا و نه به قانون اساسی رای نداده! این که اول نوع حکومت در یک رفراندوم که همه مخالفان ایدۀ جمهوری اسلامی توش با هم متحد هستند در 12 فروردین 1358 با رای مردم تصویب بشه، بعد که جمهوری اسلامی بودن فرم حکومت با رای اکثریت مردم تصویب شد با انتخابات 12 مرداد 1358 یک مجلس خبرگان قانون اساسی برای نوشتن (و تصویب کردن) قانون اساسی جمهوری اسلامی ایران تشکیل بشه و بعد از این که قانون اساسی جمهوری اسلامی ایران توسط نماینده های مردم ایران نوشته و تصویب شد، دوباره متن مصوب نمایندهای منتخب مردم ایران در 12 آذر 1358 به رای عموم مردم گذاشته بشه روش ابتکاری ویژه شرایط خاص ایران بوده. البته یک عده ای از همون سال 1358 به این روش اجرای دموکراسی تو ایران معترض و علاقمند بودند ادای همون (Founding Fathers) را تو ایران در بیارن! یه متن هایی هم که سه چهار نفری از جاهای مختلف کپی - پیست کرده بودند هر از چندگاه تو یکی از روزنامه هاشون منتشر و حلوا حلوا میکردند... هنوزم هستند!!!

مسمویت ۱۷ نفر با انفجار نارنجک دستی توسط دانش‌آموز پردیسی/ تمام دانش‌آموزان مرخص شده‌اند 🔹ظهر امروز در مدرسه دخترانه مقطع متوسطه دوم خیام فاز ۱۱ پردیس، اعلام گاز گرفتگی شد که بلافاصله ۲ دستگاه آمبولانس به محل اعزام شده و ۱۷ بیمار به بیمارستان انصار الغدیر بومهن منتقل می‌شوند. 🔹معاون سیاسی-اجتماعی فرمانداری شهرستان پردیس گفت: تعداد ۱۷ نفر از دانش‌آموزان مدرسه خیام پردیس دچار مسمومیت شده که تمامی آنان مرخص شده‌اند. @TehranFarsnews - Link

🎥 لحظه پرتاب نارنجک دستی توسط یک دانش‌آموز در مدرسه خیام پردیس 🔷 آموزش و پرورش شهرستان‌های استان تهران اعلام کرد: ۱۷ دانش آموز در اثر استرس به بیمارستان منتقل شدند که تمام آنها مرخص شدند. @TehranFarsnews

نارنجک (Grenade) در واقع یه سلاح جنگی هست که دو مدل داره، مدلی که (Grenade Luncher) نداره باید با دست پرتاب بشه اسمش نارنجک دستی (=Hand Grenade) هست، لذا "دستی" بودنش بر خلاف چیزی که همه (از جمله خبرنگارها) تصور میکنن به معنی (Handmade) یا "دست ساز" بودن نیست. بگذریم از این که یه چیز (Handmade) در زبان انگلیسی یعنی Made by hand, not by machine, and therefore of superior quality این که اصلا چرا به انگلیسی بهش میگن (Grenade) به خاطر شکل نمونه های اولیه اش هست که با فیوزشون یک کمی شبیه به انار بودند، اما این که چرا (Grenade) در زبان شیرین فارسی به جای "انارک" ترجمه میشه "نارنجک" یه دلیل جالب داره که خودتون پیدا کنید - جز درس نیست.

Any Palestinian is exposed to monitoring by the Israeli Big Brother’ Testimonies from people who worked in the Israeli Intelligence Corps tell of a system where there were no boundaries Fri 12 Sep 2014 15.03 BSTFirst published on Fri 12 Sep 2014 10.01 BST ‘Our work has serious impact on the lives of many people’ I enlisted in the Intelligence Corps with a clear understanding that regarding anything that involves the Palestinian arena, I will engage in self-defence. Throughout my service in my unit I did and encountered things that seemed irrelevant from a security standpoint, and I did not have a clear conscience participating in such activities. Contrary to my expectations, our database included not only security-related intelligence but also personal and political information. That is to say, on a personal level, there is no respect for Palestinian privacy. From a political standpoint, information is collected that can serve to manipulate Israeli, Palestinian and international politics.

تازه این خبر برای 2014 هست! فعلا کلش را بخونید بعدا ازش سئوال می پرسم:

If anyone interests us, we’d collect information on his or her economic situation and mental state. Then we would plan how we can perform an operation around this individual, in order to turn them into a collaborator or something of the sort. But I was uncomfortable with this, so I chose to disconnect from it. To clock in my hours, and check out. There are always two unit representatives in the field, one at the West Bank division HQ and one in Gaza. We would take turns, and what I recall most about this are the assassination missions. We would collect intelligence for the operation, incriminate the person, and pass on the information to the Israeli Air Force. Once when I was the unit representative, there was someone suspicious next to a weapons warehouse in Gaza and we thought he was our target. It had taken us a long time to find him. Judging by his location, the time and similar data, we concluded it was him. After we assassinated him it turned out that he was a kid. My job there was supposedly technical. The atmosphere was that of an office job. In real time you can see maps and images from the helicopter, but you’re sitting in an office so it’s very easy to feel detached and distance yourself. Nor was it my job to ask questions. I was told what was needed and that’s what I did. I remember an image on the screen of him in an orchard, and the explosion on the screen, the smoke clearing and his mother running to him, at which point we could see he was a child. The body was small. We realised we had screwed up. It got quiet and uncomfortable. Then we needed to carry on as there were other things to do, though the mood was grim. I don’t know of any investigation of what had happened, or if it was reviewed at a later date. ‘We knew the medical conditions of our targets’ When I enlisted into the intelligence unit, I thought I would deal with prevention of terrorism and do whatever was necessary to protect national security. Throughout my service, I discovered that many Israeli initiatives within the Palestinian arena are directed at things that are not related to intelligence. I worked a lot on gathering information on political issues. Some could be seen as related to objectives that serve security needs, such as the suppression of Hamas institutions, while others could not. Some were political objectives that did not even fall within the Israeli consensus, such as strengthening Israel’s stance at the expense of the Palestinian position. Such objectives do not serve the security system but rather agendas of certain politicians. I had a really hard time with some of the things we did, as did the people who were with me in my section. Regarding one project in particular, many of us were shocked as we were exposed to it. Clearly it was not something we as soldiers were supposed to do. The information was almost directly transferred to political players and not to other sections of the security system. This made it clear to me that we were dealing with information that was hardly connected to security needs. We knew the detailed medical conditions of some of our targets, and our goals developed around them. I’m not sure what was done with this information. I felt bad knowing each of their precise problems, and that we would talk and laugh about this information freely. Or, for instance, that we knew exactly who was cheating on their wife, with whom, and how often. ‘I collected information on people who were completely innocent’

I was a course instructor for soldiers assigned to the Palestinian arena. As the course was being organised we would go to some storeroom full of “booty” and receive uniforms, weapon parts, exploded grenades, flags of Palestine, Fatah and Hamas. Personal family items like photos of children, watches, family photos, medals, football trophies, books, Qur’ans, jewellery – Palestinian “memorabilia”. I don’t know for sure, but I realised that all these things came from arrest missions, either from people’s homes or from people who were killed. It is all just piled up. We were taken to this storeroom and told to take whatever we pleased, signing the stuff out afterwards. I took some flags and uniforms. At the end of the course we didn’t even return them. I still have them signed out. We took all the stuff to the classrooms and hung it up on the walls for display. The idea was to “poison” the students. At the beginning of the course they have no idea to which arena they’ll be assigned. So on the morning when they receive their assignments they enter the class and we motivate them with the items hanging on the walls, among other things. We didn’t exactly explain what they were; we just said “booty”. There is not much talk about it. It arouses their curiosity and amuses them. Towards the end of the course one of the participants dressed as a Hamas fighter, in uniform, to entertain everyone. There is also something called a “demonstration”. Everyone puts on those uniforms and headbands, takes up the flags and stages a demonstration. It’s done in the auditorium for all the other course participants. It’s the entertainment event of the entire course. Everyone is seated and the class gets on stage and begins to shout all sorts of stuff. The highlight of the Palestinian-arena track was to put on a demonstration. When I was a course participant we yelled: “Enough with Palestine, we want to relocate to Australia!” When I was an instructor a talk show was staged, with characters, I don’t recall exactly. Along with the weekly quiz there is something called “bonus” – all sorts of funny stuff. Sometimes funny conversations are played that we heard by mistake and kept. These are unimportant things, useless intelligence-wise, but they are kept because they are funny, and held on to for years. For example “women talk”. These are women’s conversations, 99% private nonsense. Or all sorts of conversations about very private matters, including yelling, crying, fighting and cursing. As an instructor I gave a class called Morality and Intelligence, which I had also participated in as a student. The Lieutenant A affair was a major part of this class. As an instructor I had access to the army’s inquiry into this affair. In hindsight I discovered that it had been a fake inquiry. The report said the objective of that operation was to demolish a building empty of people, and that Lieutenant A’s job was to make sure the building was indeed empty – when in fact the contrary was true. The objective was to bomb a building containing innocent people, and the lieutenant was supposed to inform the unit when they were inside. We discussed this affair in class. Everyone said what they would have done in A’s stead. The conclusion was that he meant well but did not do the right thing. He should have clearly stated his fears. Now I know what really went on, and that in hindsight this whole discussion was ridiculous. Anyway, the only conclusion reached was that in this unit there is no such thing as an illegal order. It is not we who decide what is moral and what isn’t. Nowadays I realise that this is what the bombing pilot says too: “It’s not for me to say what is moral and what isn’t.” Everyone passes the responsibility on to others.